So, so you think you can tell Heaven from Hell,
blue skies from pain.
Can you tell a green field from a cold steel rail?
A smile from a veil?
Do you think you can tell?
And did they get you to trade your heroes for ghosts?
Hot ashes for trees?
Hot air for a cool breeze?
Cold comfort for change?
And did you exchange a walk on part in the war for a lead role in a cage?
How I wish, how I wish you were here.
We're just two lost souls swimming in a fish bowl, year after year,
Running over the same old ground.
What have you found? The same old fears.
Wish you were here.

Pink Floyd

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Cordillera Day gathers 5 Thousand

Cordillera Day was held April 23-25, with groups from various sectors gathering in five places of the Cordillera.

In Mountain Province, delegations from people’s organizations gathered in barangay Ankileng, Sagada, as one of five simultaneous and decentralized celebrations of the momentous event.

More of this in Northern Dispatch

Thanks to Patrick Pooten for the photos. The group photo shows some members of the Alliance of Concerned Teachers and QC Public School Teachers Association who joined the event in Ankileng.

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Who informs who on regional autonomy

SAGADA, MOUNTAIN
PROVINCE- This time, with
NEDA Director and Regional Development Council (RDC) Chairman Juan Ngalob as special guest during the Cordillera Day held here at barangay Suyo, both the militant Cordillera Peoples Alliance (CPA) and the government sing a happy tune as they join hands to celebrate the momentous event.

RDC conducted an information-education campaign on regional autonomy with the Movement for the Advancement of Inter-Tribal Unity and Democracy (MAITUD), an organizational member of CPA last April 23. MAITUD is an organization of elders in Mountain Province.

Kind of interesting. RDC informing the elders about what is regional autonomy or is it the other way around?

CPA and some MAITUD members including Fr Edwardo Solang, one of the CPA pioneers of regional autonomy in the 1980s, were in the forefront pursuing Cordillera autonomy in the halls of Malacanang. Eventually, the Cordillera social activists’ moves gave way to the inclusion of regional autonomy for Cordillera and Mindanao in the 1987 Constitution.

As it is, the Cordillera Day held here in the village of Suyo was attended by Fr Solang also a former Mountain Province board member, and MAITUD elders Peczon and Nelson Yocogan who graced the occasion during the MAITUD –RDC session on regional autonomy. MAITUD officer and Suyo barangay captain/ ABC Chair Jaime Tigan-o Dogao delivered his message commemorating the event. Other special guests also included Sagada mayor Eduardo Latawan aside from RDC Chair Juan Ngalob.
Cordillera Day now is being separately celebrated per province of the Cordillera with discussions of similar related issues on human rights violations, environment and agricultural liberalization.

Back to the question. Who will do the teaching this time? Is it RDC? Is there something new that CPA or MAITUD has to learn from RDC about regional autonomy? For the past two plebiscites on regional autonomy held in 1990 and 1998, CPA opted to stand in the sidelights and maintained a critical stand. The RDC-led campaign now implies that CPA or MAITUD has to learn something new, or wants to get in the government’s version of what it initially did not support.

Or is RDC going to be the one to be enlightened about what is regional autonomy?

We see the government through RDC and the CPA through MAITUD, forging a reconciliatory position on how to go about the government ‘s version of regional autonomy.

Whatever way, the drive for regional autonomy will be a plus factor in favor of the government with RDC being favorably welcome in the 25th celebration of the militant Cordillera Day held by the Cordillera People’s Alliance.
***

With the P15 million autonomy fund not having been approved by the Senate for the General Appropriations Act (GAA) 2009, yet earlier passed by the House of Representatives, we see the drive for autonomy in the dark. Yet, Ngalob is hopeful to wait for the finalization of the 2009 budget. If the Senate did not approve it, chances are, it will have a hard time getting some approval in the final 2009 budget.

And to wait apparently, is an endless wait which seemingly ends in a nowhere result of which might be. And so obviously, the practical way is to realign the savings in RDC’s 2008 budget, otherwise, the information campaign for regional autonomy gets stalled.

Which will however set a precedent that realignment of funds can be done again next year and budget allocation for advocacy of autonomy will not be a ready act of the Senate or the President.

And so the best way is to lobby for the funds to be specially allocated, much more so that the move for regional autonomy is constitutional anyway.

Which brings us back to the question of how the initial P15 million educational funds for autonomy were spent. It would be good if RDC Chair Ngalob come out with a statement how the initial P15 million was spent. This way, the public will be enlightened of how autonomy funds are being spent and the public may come out with better ways to advocate autonomy than how the government -led advocacy is being done.

Reprinted from Northern Philippine Times

Note: As I write this post, I am thankful to Patrick Pooten, principal of Ankileng National High School, and also a former and still a social activist for Cordillera rights and welfare, for providing the photos here which set basis for me to write the above. From right in the first above photo, is Sagada Mayor Eduardo Latawan, ABC Chair and Suyo barangay Captain Jaime Tigan-o Dogao, RDC Chair Juan Ngalob, MAITUD elders Fr Eduardo Solang, Lakay Peczon and Nelson Yocogan. The other photo shows a cultural number called Manbabanog meaning eagle dance in Bukidnon.

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Advisory for Cordillera Day 2009

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Regional autonomy once more with feelings

What do Cordillera people think about autonomy? Attempts by officials to make the region autonomous was voted down in a plebiscite in Jan. 30, 1990 when the four provinces of Kalinga, Abra, Benguet, Mountain Province and Apayao voted no with only Ifugao saying yes. The second attempt was also foiled with only Apayao voting yes on March 7, 1998.

What is autonomy? The people must have been right in their decision at the very first and second take. What chances do the third take give? Have the people become wiser, more informed, or they are already wise and informed in the very first place?

This politically hankered state of autonomy, I understand, refers to that state of being a free and independent region governing its economic, political and social life. If the Cordillera would become autonomous, would it be free from region from oppressive national policies. Government laws give us a framework on how to exercise this seemingly lofty state of regional autonomy following the peace accord entered into between the Cordillera People’s Liberation Army led by Fr. Conrado Balweg in Sept. 13, 1987 and then Philippine President Corazon Aquino giving birth to Executive Order 220 which sets up a regional administrative body while preparing for a Cordillera regional autonomy.

This, following Section 15, Article 10 of the Constitution which provides an autonomous region in the Cordillera with “common and distinctive historical and cultural heritage, economic and social structures, and other relevant characteristics within the framework of the Constitution and the national sovereignty.

With moves for an information drive on Cordillera regional autonomy purportedly being done, I am curious to see what attractive features an autonomous animal the Cordillera would be, otherwise, the P15 million info drive is just another futile attempt gone to kingdom never come.

I consider autonomously palatable the position of the late Fr.Balweg who pushed for a federal state of autonomy for the Cordillera. In a federal set up, the Cordillera people shall make their own laws, Constitution and policies yet still be a part of the national state.

What degree of autonomy will the Cordillera enjoy if it becomes autonomous according to what EO 220 will prepare? Will it be just the same setup where people will exercise their political, cultural and social affairs the way things are under the present laws and political structure? Or will there be a strikingly distinct set up where people can say they are autonomous?

Just what structure and laws will be created in order to make autonomy realized somehow? If there be a collective decision for example among Cordillera leaders, just how strong will this be as an autonomous policy? What measures are in place to make this so?

Where policies are concerned, can the envisioned autonomous region provide policies where it can go against a national law or policy? The Mining Act of 1995 for example was given judicial mandate by the Supreme Court when the application for Financial and Technical Assistance Agreement of a foreign mining firm in Mindanao legally upheld its constitutionality despite opposition from tribal B’laan communities.

Can the envisioned regional autonomy say no to a Supreme court decision? Can it come up with its own judicial laws? What policies can the envisioned autonomy come up with and not being considered contrary but rather supplementary to national policies? On the other hand, national policies and practices are already in place for a semi-autonomous state. The Local Government Code already provides a system of devolution where LGUs could exercise some relatively autonomous control on generating taxes for one. Congressmen are in place to represent their respective provinces and people in Congress. Structures are already in place where LGU representatives can lobby for their share in income derived from the natural resources located in their own territories for one. Although it is another story when representatives and government officials cannot deliver.

Where the people in the region with more or less similar cultural and distinct culture could come up with their own policies about their own economic and political existence without the sword of Damocles hanging over their head, would be considered autonomous. Meanwhile, Baguio Rep. Mauricio Domogan and other political leaders are reportedly pressing the implementation of a permanent Cordillera administrative setup. This move may make some people push the Cordillera Regional Assembly and the Cordillera Executive Board as overseers of Cordillera affairs in the regional level. Just what happened to the former CRA and the CEB are things of the past which cannot be forgotten with a yearly P5 million budget cost of a lesson to draw from.

Creating a bloated policy-making structure “to articulate and harmonize the interests and aspirations of the people of the Cordilleras” was the supposed role of the Cordillera Regional Assembly composed of not more than 250 appointed from each municipality of the Cordillera, 10 from Baguio City, 18 representatives from NGOs and a tribal representative each is also a question.

Granting that these envisioned representatives have articulated and harmonized the aspirations of the Cordillera people, where shall these articulations be forwarded to? To the President? Congress? What sizable vote will these collective articulation bring to Congress or the Office of the President? How strong are these articulations in influencing national policy or when these challenge national policies? Is this the kind of self-rule that original proponents to Cordillera autonomy envisioned that EO 220 prepared for? How will Cordillera regional autonomous policy be in consonance to national policy-making? We maybe creating one bloated, overlapping body which is far out from original intentions of what self and autonomous rule means.

Another EO mandated body is the Cordillera Executive Board which is the implementing arm of the CAR is composed of 29 regular members of the board to name the Baguio city mayor, 5 governors, 6 from the Cordillera Bodong Administration, 12 from the different ethno-linguistic groups in the Cordillera, and 5 representatives from NGOs. Under EO 220, the CEB is headed by an executive director appointed by the President. Aside from questions of criteria to membership, what difference will this implementing arm make from departments and offices currently doing envisioned functions. Where it is a matter of codifying laws for example, or “promotion of indigenous institutions and processes for conflict resolution and dispute settlement, preservation and enhancement of indigenous customs, traditions, languages and culture? Isn’t this the job of the National Commission on Indigenous People where it has its provincial branches? Where it is a matter of looking at agricultural development, there is also the Department of Agriculture who takes care of this, as well as health and tourism.

Seemingly, this bloated CAR body and its supposed functions are a repetition and overlapping of what the regular departmental offices are doing. Unless, this CAR body will do something distinctly independent to further policy for indigenous peoples rights will it become relevant. As talks go on about this third attempt for Cordillera autonomy, responsibility falls on the shoulders of the Regional Development Council to come up with real good, authentic, representative and people-based information of how and what true and genuine regional autonomy really means.

The people have become wise, I guess, and know if they are being taken for a ride or not and the third attempt may just become kaput. This P15 million budget might as well be de-programmed or re- aligned for livelihood support activities for the farming and struggling folks of the Cordillera.

Reprinted from Northern Philippine Times

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Concretizing Autonomy

The results of the survey on Cordillera autonomy just says one thing: What is autonomy? It is strange that 40 percent of Cordillera respondents don’t know what autonomy is.

With 60% of respondents categorically answering Yes (27.9%) or No (34.6%) to the question of the readiness of the Cordillera to become autonomous, it implies they are informed or assertive on their categorical responses. Whatever arguments they have, they can neutralize or persuade others to their sides – those who do not know or are still undecided whether or not to go for autonomy.

Obviously, saying Yes is a move which could be termed as daring or risky. If not now, then when? is the question for the Yes mover. A sound and feasible rationale based on concrete potentials needs to be presented to the public -- what regional autonomy means other than a Yes vote. It is a question on how firm is this position with regards to financial and administrative capacity of the Cordillera to go into autonomy. It basically asks how politically relevant is the move to push for regional autonomy.

The No position obviously implies a cautious step in going for an uncertain administrative or political set-up for the Cordillera which could be categorical or conservative. Why go into a set up when there is already an administrative and political structure in place?

An unsure and shaky setup on how financially and administratively capable the envisioned administration will be is one major consideration in taking a No position, apparently. And as said earlier, what is the importance of going into this political exercise considering national laws and policies which may contradict what regional autonomy means in its genuine meaning?

Preparations for an autonomous regional state is based on what Executive Order 220 provides. With this, one question is how politically objective administrative systems will be in place with Cordillera autonomy.

Many lessons need to be learned from the the setting up and operations of the flawed Cordillera Executive Board before going into an autonomous set-up. From here, we could understand the position of those who took No as their answer.

While Yes presents itself as an aggressive stance, caution and careful study still needs to be done on how to approach a seemingly highly politicized administrative autonomy for the Cordillera.

For the Yes movers, it would be good to ask why the need for Cordillera autonomy. What pressing issues are there at the moment that autonomy could solve for the Cordillera? How receptive are people on political and economic issues which affect their lives?

It is from a politicized mind that a resounding Yes will be generated from the populace. From the results of the survey however, extensive and intensive political work still needs to be done on the ground level. A half-baked autonomy cannot be rammed down the throats of the people who still have doubts and questions un-answered on the matter. A mere 27.9 percent who answered Yes is an isolated scenario.

Going into apparently, a forced movement with no visible and felt reason for such a movement at this time would be a futile exercise. Groundwork for a political atmosphere to set the motion into a strong movement for autonomy needs to be done.

It is the job of those who are voting for Yes to galvanize a conducive political atmosphere and work fon pressing issues which need to be highlighted in order to create the atmosphere for a Yes vote. And this needs time and work.

Issues on economic unrest and development are classic examples in setting up a political movement, that is, the autonomy movement to get going. Add to this Baguio Rep. Mauricio Domogan’s bill on direct appropriation of taxes by local government units from corporations operating in respective LGU territories, including pressing issues against corruption and the autonomy move may go an inch further. Perhaps, the Yes votes will increase as No advocates will be persuaded to vote Yes.

In much the same way, those who voted for No should state their reasons for saying so and come up with sound and viable answers why No is the better option. Perhaps the present setup is fine and going for another administrative political set up would be a frustrating exercise. Is autonomy relevant and feasible at all for the Cordillera?
***
The approval of the House Bill filed by Baguio Rep. Mauricio Domogan on direct remittance of national taxes by companies operating in respective LGU territories comes as a welcome development from the House of Representatives.

The amendment if finally approved as law will add to income of local communities if the Senate approved it. It shall be recalled that the same Bill along with other introduced House bills had been pending in the Senate before elections were recently held last May. The bill was refiled with the resumption of Congress this year.

While this comes as a welcome development the second time around for the Bill to be approved in Congress, further lobbying needs to be done on members of the Senate for their approval. Just how receptive are senators and the President to the proposed law remains to be seen.

Reprinted from Northern Philippine Times

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What are we celebrating in Cordillera month?

That was 22 years ago when rebel priest Conrado Balweg signed a peace accord with then President Corazon Aquino at Mt Data Hotel in September 13, 1986. A year after, Aquino signed Executive Order 220 in July 15, 1987 which gave birth to the establishment of Cordillera Administrative Region paving the way for Cordillera autonomy. Republic Act No. 6766 followed on October 23, 1989 which provided an Organic Act for CAR and policies set for the proposed Cordillera autonomous government to exercise governmental functions including tax generation.

On the Cordillera region’s 21st anniversary and its ideals of what it purports to be, what do we see now? As we can obviously note, the dream of slain rebel priest Conrado Balweg to see a freely determining and progressive Cordillera is yet far down the road. For one, the region’s natural resources are still within the absolute control of the State.

Consider Magat River which flows in the jurisdiction of Isabela and Ifugao. While rules provide that the share of local government units in taxes which accrue from the use of respective territories will be provided to LGUs, this does not come automatically.

Ifugao Gov. Teddy Baguilat has to lobby for the release of Ifugao’s share in taxes from SN Aboitiz due the province from operations of the Magat Power Plant. The amount of P28 million share of Ifugao still awaits legal mandate from the Department of Energy for them to release the tax share of Ifugao.

As it stands, Ifugao and Isabela where Magat Dam sources hydroelectric energy from Magat River stands to profit from the company’s taxes with a 50/50 share from the 114 million transfer tax accrued from the sale of the Magat Hydro Electric Power Complex to the SN Aboitiz Power from the National Power Corporation.

And that is true with other hydro-electrical plants of the region. Benguet is still claiming for its due on taxes from Napocor and the Power Sector Assets and Liabilities Management Corporation for the use of its water resources.

Recently, P11.9 million was released by the national government for Benguet’s share in wealth taxes due operations of San Roque Dam after years of battling for this. San Roque Dam sources its hydroelectric energy from Agno River located in Benguet. But that is not all of the amount of what Benguet is claiming. Still, such taxes are claims years back which have not been given to the LGU. If not claimed, then it follows that the government will not be remitting these amounts due the province.

Benguet Gov. Nestor Fongwan and the people of Benguet are set to collect P198 million in taxes from Napocor -- P116 million in national wealth tax for the San Roque Multipurpose Dam in Pangasinan, P56 million in franchise taxes and P26 million in real estate taxes for the operation of Binga Dam. Such a big amount of money which could uplift the lives of hundreds of the province’s constituents.

Benguet suffers in Napocor’s refusal to pay franchise taxes for Binga Dam. Benguet LGU has to file a case in court to collect franchise taxes since 2001; and power sales Napocor made from 1992 to 2007.

Meantime, GMA ordered the release of P124 million national wealth tax for Benguet due the province from the operations of Philex Mines Corporation at P71 million, Lepanto Consolidated Mining Corp. worth P15 million since the last quarter of 2005.

The amount of P38 million is due from the Hydro-electric Development Corp. and the Northern Luzon Mini-Hydro Corporation since 1992.

The province’s share dates years back and the law is not facilitating an automatic share of the LGU’s share from the wealth of its own resources such that it needs the President of the State to bless the release of funds which rightfully belongs to the LGU and its respective constituents in the fist place.

In the same manner, SMART and other telecommunications facilities also are built on the towering peaks of Mountain Province. Yet, companies continue to pay their taxes straight to the national coffers as what the State’s commercial laws provide.

We still have to hear from respective local government units their shares in taxes due these giant multinational companies who continue to use the local resources at very measly arrangements.

Now comes the bill of Baguio Rep. Mauricio Domogan calling for the direct remittance of taxes of companies operating within the territories of local government units. Refiled by Domogan in the 14th Congress, these bills are pending. Control of natural resources is directly related to a region’s autonomy. Yet, income from these resources are not within the peoples’ control. That is, not within the Cordillera Administrative Region’s control.

The region abounds with rich natural resources where income could be generated. Consider rivers of hydro-electrical potential including Magat River, Agno River, Chico River, Sifu River. Consider towering mountains where giant telecommunication companies have to set up their relay towers to reach the farthest that its cell site can reach.

It is a pity that poverty in the Cordilleras is still a glaring reality. Poverty worsened in the Cordillera between 2003 and 2006. As per the latest estimates of the National Statistical Coordination Board, poverty incidence of families in CAR rose from 25.8 percent in 2003 to 28.8 percent in 2006.

Similarly, poverty incidence of population increased from 32.2 percent in 2003 to 34.5 percent in 2006. While we have the resources to get out from poverty and not let human and brain resources leave the Cordillera abroad for greener pastures, these income from natural resources remained out of our hands for years. Regional autonomy was touted as one answer to these woes but it dragged on for 22 years until now.

How serious is the government in facilitating autonomy for the Cordillera? And, how serious are the people in seeing autonomy happen? While we celebrate Cordillera Month, what are we celebrating for? Where is our passion for what Cordillera and what does autonomy mean? ]

Since two plebiscites had been rejected by the people of Cordillera on regional autonomy in 1990 and 1998 and, this move for autonomy is still vague in the minds of the people. Obviously, the survey some months back says 40 percent don’t. Yet, first the people have to do their practical part in acting out what self determination means.

Claiming for what is due is one’s right, an indication of being conscious about autonomy. Yet, I haven’t heard of tribes in the Cordillera claiming for their taxes due from Napocor or tribes from Mountain Province claiming for their taxes due from SMART. It’s only the enlightened officials who are claiming what is due their respective jurisdictions like governors Fongwan and Baguilat. The others?
Meantime, we ask: Where did the P30 million fund drive for autonomy go? It would be good for the regional development council to explain where the money went and let the public know what autonomy is all about.

Also, what did the defunct Cordillera Executive Board do? After a few years in operation, it is interesting to ask what it had done for the Cordillera and the preparations it did in paving the way for regional autonomy. Perhaps we can learn from there. Then, we can celebrate.

Reprinted from Northern Philippine Times

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