Cordillera Autonomy Part 3?

This so-determined stance of the Regional Development Council to push through with regional autonomy for the Cordillera is already a boring campaign and has lost its flavor.

Unless the RDC is going to make the issue as enticingly beneficial in the current scenario to gain attention by all sectors in Cordillera society, then the bid for the third attempt may see fruit. A flashback on the beginnings for a regional autonomy in the ‘80s began with a highly political setting calling for changes in the region.

With the call for regional autonomy highly politicized, the public saw differing autonomy frameworks from two highly ideological groups - that within a self- determining people within a nation sparked by the militant Cordillera Peoples Alliance(CPA) and the armed Cordillera Peoples Liberation Army’s (CPLA) idea of federalism of a nation within a nation.

The political scenario then showed a heavily loaded transition from the Marcos years to the Cory administration warranting the need for a change of political system then. Intense militarization and an equally intense insurgency and high incidents of human rights violations coupled with poverty marked the transition period before President Corazon took the leadership from then deposed President Ferdinand Marcos.

The need for a responsive political system for the Cordillera was equally high.If the plebiscite happened during the intense political situation in the middle ‘80s, I guess, the plebiscite for regional autonomy may have been realized. With the plebiscite happening when the iron cooled and the political climate was dazzlingly smooth and comfortable already with the leadership of then President Cory, the quest for autonomy apparently sizzled with NO votes over whelmingly winning over the lone votes of Ifugao still hopeful that regional autonomy will make wonders for the Cordillera.

And so it went until the second autonomy attempt was foiled in 1998 when the political administration led by President Joseph Estrada was equally not as politically polarized in the grassroots level to warrant a political change in government for the Cordillera. And more so under the term of former President Gloria Arroyo, she has established a mellowed government among heads and officials bringing the region under her control.

Seemingly too, at the same time, the people are pre-occupied with economic needs rather than going political such that getting out of the country to look for better jobs and opportunities was the more pressing and better thing to do under the time when GMA brought the country to utter impoverishment.

Now comes RDC chair and NEDA Director Juan Ngalob inviting President Benigno Aquino 111 to be the guest speaker in the 23rd celebration of the birth of the Cordillera Administrative Region on July 15 marking the date when former President Corazon Aquino signed EO 220 creating CAR in July 15, 1987. Ngalob thinks that President Noynoy will support regional autonomy.

Why will he not? In terms of allocating budget, I guess he will. Yet, it is a different thing when regional autonomy gets to a plebiscite. I believe so.

At this times when the administration seemingly is promising and determined to rid the country of corruption and bring a better Philippines, rocking the status and calling for changes in the structure of CAR as well and vote for ‘regional autonomy’ seemingly will not gain acceptance among the people.

The present set up is good as it is. What is needed is to make existing beneficial and progressive laws work for the Cordillera and equally craft relevant and beneficial policies not there within the present system. For one, is a policy letting Cordillera provinces have their share from National Irrigation Authority collections on waters sourced from watersheds within Cordillera territory flowing to lowland irrigation. Surely, such proposed laws can be forwarded by our representatives in Congress.

Or do we need a Cordillera assemblyman to do this? By the way, how is that bill already forwarded by former Baguio congressman now mayor Mauricio Domogan for local government units to have their share from taxes of national corporations doing operations in respective territories of LGUs?

While national laws have a stronghold on the economic and natural resource base of the people, autonomy becomes a vacillating issue. So vacillating that autonomy gets half-bred and redefined on self-determination within the present system.

A look at the program of the 23rd celebration of the Cordillera Month makes me smile like a college student. Some of the activities- intercollegiate debate and a radio quiz – aside from tree planting and ethnic hataw make up activities of the celebration.

Perhaps, a sizable cut from the autonomy budget may as well be given to the Department of Education so they can craft consistent ways of letting students learn what autonomy is all about the whole year round.

Meantime, what do the rest of the people of the Cordillera do to take part in this month long activity aside from the debate participated in by Baguio-based students and ethnic hataw by government entities? While the government has beautifully crafted development plans done by development planners and technocrats, I yet have to see sectoral development plans crafted by farmers, fisher folks, artists, teachers, youth, business people, media, women, and professionals in their own fields.

Unless if there is one already, I would like to know. Before we dream of regional autonomy for the third time and end up unpopular, consultations and discussions on common terms and aspirations is wanting. And then perhaps, we can tell President Noynoy Aquino what kind and what makes up the regional autonomy that we want. Otherwise, let the remaining P15 million budget information drive be allotted for livelihood programs among the rest of the Cordillerans before another batch will fly out of the country to look for better jobs and leave their families.

From: Northern Philippine Times

Read more...

Charismatize Cordillera autonomy

As we observe the World's Indigenous Peoples Day on August 9 and conclude celebration of Cordillera Month (July) by the Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR), we are again reminded on the quest for regional autonomy among the indigenous peoples of the Cordillera generally referred to as Igorots.

Being subjected to a plebiscite 19 years ago and lost, elusive Cordillera autonomy is still as elusive as ever. Only 29% of respondents positively favor autonomy, says a survey conducted in 2008 by CAR's Regional Development Council (RDC).

And for the rest of thousands of Cordillerans with voting age, autonomy still sounds strange. As strange as a shooting star which disappears all too sudden. As strange as Jennifer Hewitt or the Prince of Wales. As strange as Tobleron or Kenny Rogers to an elder in the dap-ay until you give or show him a roasted chicken straight from Kenny Rogers Roasters. It is as strange even as the golden kuhol introduced by technologic Department of Agriculture who says the snail serves a multipurpose function so these were sown on rice fields, but practically grabbed space for rice plants to grow normally in some parts of the Cordillera as experienced by most farmers a decade ago.

Why….? What is wrong with this beautiful concept of being self determining like a matured, independent and empowered woman or man?

Why can’t it get through and be accepted by the rest of the Cordillerans or the Igorots for that matter?

Obviously, there must be really something wrong of why it is not that popular like Michael Jackson or Robin Padilla and Sharon Cuneta among Filipinos.

What does Michael Jackson and Robin Padilla have in common which makes them popular and liked by multitudes of people. Of course they are both guapo and both are celebrities. They identify with the common masa (people) and feel their sentiments. You can sense in the songs of Michael Jackson and for Robin, you can sense him identifying with u in his movies and the way he talks. While Jacko comes from humble beginnings, Robin da Idol goes along with people on the streets.

And what do people like? Obviously, people like things and ideas and people which/who jibe with what they feel and need and relate with, on day to day life. People associate ideas to what they can grasp. Ay makan sa? Ay mabalin ma-i- tono? Ay tet-ewa’y toma sa? Ineee, kampot ubpay dis toma…etc… (Is that eaten? Can it be roasted? Is it truly a flea? Oooooh, that was one lie of a flea etc...)

A dream, we make autonomy land on earth concretely to the psyche of the practical Igorot so that autonomy plebiscite Part 3 will at least see better ratings.

Best as how the best advocate and autonomy campaigner can explain what autonomy is, IF it is far from the psyche of the non-airhead Igorot, this beautiful ideal for autonomy will not see reality. You cannot ram down the throat, autonomy until it is digestible, eatable, edible, or guapo and irresistible.

So, ‘show me’ what it means. Show me the money says Tom Cruise in Jerry Maguire.
How much money and jobs can we get if we are autonomous?

Can a son or daughter have better chances of being employed after graduation if we are autonomous? Shall there be increased daily wages to cope with rising costs of almost any commodity?

So we see what givens we have. Because we go autonomous and rely greatly on what we have, we ask what moneyable potentials do we have? First of all, we have a very industrious, ingenious and ingenuous people who can make things happen. We have the mountains full of gold. Do we like these to be mined? Can we turn these mountains into livelihood ventures if we are autonomous? (And by the way , how much are we getting or have taken from the Lepanto Mines through the years? As we watch Mankayan sink apparently because of the many underground mining which is happening, and sons and daughters from Mankayan areleaving their home sweet home out as migrant workers to wherever richer country there is, LCMC rakes in millions of money from those mountains of gold.)

We have nature and environs showing big potentials for ecotourism. Do we like these to be transformed into sources of livelihood? Can we make enough money to feed our family out of tourism from these towering or rolling mountains of Mt Kanip-aw or Mt Pulag?

How much can the government of the Republic of Philippine my Philippines help out in making industries happen for the Cordillera without asking for big cut in taxes? How much Internal Revenue Allotment (IRA) and development funds can the national govt give while we are gaining a fully autonomous region, or give as part of its regular accountability to give in the very first place, the Cordillera being part of the country?

We have the mighty headwaters of Chico and Siffu Rivers, serving as sources of hydro-electrical energy for NAPOCOR. How much income are we getting while NAPOCOR and the national government controls the proceeds? Are we really getting money from these powerful sources of energy? Do we have the enabling law to take our share? If so, are we getting our share?

We have a number of telecommunication relay stations in our localities. How much are we taking in terms of percentage shares? Or are they just there sitting on our land as big companies rake in money for those millions worth of texting and calls that we do?

How far can we control what we have at the moment? Can we control our own resources given that we have the Regalian Doctrine and national laws which dictate how much we can or cannot receive? Let us make this interplay of national laws and prospective autonomous laws very concretely clear to be understood and how much we are entitled so to know.

At the same time, we also deal with corrupt politicians who muddle the concept of what autonomy means, that they also need to get their corruptitious tendencies off their system so that the rest of the people of the Cordillera will believe in what they are blabbering about.

Because as we see Ifugao who was optimistic at first turned negative on the second plebiscite. Why oh why?

So I ask, what autonomous situations have we as Igorots exercised or can exercise in daily life, as individual persons and in cohorts or rather in partnership with another?

When transportation costs go five pesos higher, do we see protesting commuters or do they just accept it as the will of the supernatural or whatever it is? Or do we just shrug our shoulders and do nothing about it while enjoying the ride anyway and pay whatever amount it is?

How autonomous and assertive are we as individuals and as peoples in a wider community do in demanding for our rights and making a better place to live in? For sure, we know what our rights are. Unless we don’t , that is very very, very bad news indeed.

How autonomous are we as individuals in the very first place? Or to use politically loaded words, “self determining” and “empowered”.

I guess there are better chances of Cordillera getting autonomous if the autonomy information campaign will show what the Cordilleran can get out of being autonomous and how to reach there. With this basic info, we can be part of the “vision”, as we reflect also on how autonomous our individual and collective psyche is in the very first place. Then we can say, at least, we are ready for Autonomy Plebiscite Part 111.

But of course there still other factors to consider like a culturally diverse Cordillera inhabited by ethnolinguistic groups with ethnocentric prejudices.

Read more...

Regional autonomy once more with feelings

What do Cordillera people think about autonomy? Attempts by officials to make the region autonomous was voted down in a plebiscite in Jan. 30, 1990 when the four provinces of Kalinga, Abra, Benguet, Mountain Province and Apayao voted no with only Ifugao saying yes. The second attempt was also foiled with only Apayao voting yes on March 7, 1998.

What is autonomy? The people must have been right in their decision at the very first and second take. What chances do the third take give? Have the people become wiser, more informed, or they are already wise and informed in the very first place?

This politically hankered state of autonomy, I understand, refers to that state of being a free and independent region governing its economic, political and social life. If the Cordillera would become autonomous, would it be free from region from oppressive national policies. Government laws give us a framework on how to exercise this seemingly lofty state of regional autonomy following the peace accord entered into between the Cordillera People’s Liberation Army led by Fr. Conrado Balweg in Sept. 13, 1987 and then Philippine President Corazon Aquino giving birth to Executive Order 220 which sets up a regional administrative body while preparing for a Cordillera regional autonomy.

This, following Section 15, Article 10 of the Constitution which provides an autonomous region in the Cordillera with “common and distinctive historical and cultural heritage, economic and social structures, and other relevant characteristics within the framework of the Constitution and the national sovereignty.

With moves for an information drive on Cordillera regional autonomy purportedly being done, I am curious to see what attractive features an autonomous animal the Cordillera would be, otherwise, the P15 million info drive is just another futile attempt gone to kingdom never come.

I consider autonomously palatable the position of the late Fr.Balweg who pushed for a federal state of autonomy for the Cordillera. In a federal set up, the Cordillera people shall make their own laws, Constitution and policies yet still be a part of the national state.

What degree of autonomy will the Cordillera enjoy if it becomes autonomous according to what EO 220 will prepare? Will it be just the same setup where people will exercise their political, cultural and social affairs the way things are under the present laws and political structure? Or will there be a strikingly distinct set up where people can say they are autonomous?

Just what structure and laws will be created in order to make autonomy realized somehow? If there be a collective decision for example among Cordillera leaders, just how strong will this be as an autonomous policy? What measures are in place to make this so?

Where policies are concerned, can the envisioned autonomous region provide policies where it can go against a national law or policy? The Mining Act of 1995 for example was given judicial mandate by the Supreme Court when the application for Financial and Technical Assistance Agreement of a foreign mining firm in Mindanao legally upheld its constitutionality despite opposition from tribal B’laan communities.

Can the envisioned regional autonomy say no to a Supreme court decision? Can it come up with its own judicial laws? What policies can the envisioned autonomy come up with and not being considered contrary but rather supplementary to national policies? On the other hand, national policies and practices are already in place for a semi-autonomous state. The Local Government Code already provides a system of devolution where LGUs could exercise some relatively autonomous control on generating taxes for one. Congressmen are in place to represent their respective provinces and people in Congress. Structures are already in place where LGU representatives can lobby for their share in income derived from the natural resources located in their own territories for one. Although it is another story when representatives and government officials cannot deliver.

Where the people in the region with more or less similar cultural and distinct culture could come up with their own policies about their own economic and political existence without the sword of Damocles hanging over their head, would be considered autonomous. Meanwhile, Baguio Rep. Mauricio Domogan and other political leaders are reportedly pressing the implementation of a permanent Cordillera administrative setup. This move may make some people push the Cordillera Regional Assembly and the Cordillera Executive Board as overseers of Cordillera affairs in the regional level. Just what happened to the former CRA and the CEB are things of the past which cannot be forgotten with a yearly P5 million budget cost of a lesson to draw from.

Creating a bloated policy-making structure “to articulate and harmonize the interests and aspirations of the people of the Cordilleras” was the supposed role of the Cordillera Regional Assembly composed of not more than 250 appointed from each municipality of the Cordillera, 10 from Baguio City, 18 representatives from NGOs and a tribal representative each is also a question.

Granting that these envisioned representatives have articulated and harmonized the aspirations of the Cordillera people, where shall these articulations be forwarded to? To the President? Congress? What sizable vote will these collective articulation bring to Congress or the Office of the President? How strong are these articulations in influencing national policy or when these challenge national policies? Is this the kind of self-rule that original proponents to Cordillera autonomy envisioned that EO 220 prepared for? How will Cordillera regional autonomous policy be in consonance to national policy-making? We maybe creating one bloated, overlapping body which is far out from original intentions of what self and autonomous rule means.

Another EO mandated body is the Cordillera Executive Board which is the implementing arm of the CAR is composed of 29 regular members of the board to name the Baguio city mayor, 5 governors, 6 from the Cordillera Bodong Administration, 12 from the different ethno-linguistic groups in the Cordillera, and 5 representatives from NGOs. Under EO 220, the CEB is headed by an executive director appointed by the President. Aside from questions of criteria to membership, what difference will this implementing arm make from departments and offices currently doing envisioned functions. Where it is a matter of codifying laws for example, or “promotion of indigenous institutions and processes for conflict resolution and dispute settlement, preservation and enhancement of indigenous customs, traditions, languages and culture? Isn’t this the job of the National Commission on Indigenous People where it has its provincial branches? Where it is a matter of looking at agricultural development, there is also the Department of Agriculture who takes care of this, as well as health and tourism.

Seemingly, this bloated CAR body and its supposed functions are a repetition and overlapping of what the regular departmental offices are doing. Unless, this CAR body will do something distinctly independent to further policy for indigenous peoples rights will it become relevant. As talks go on about this third attempt for Cordillera autonomy, responsibility falls on the shoulders of the Regional Development Council to come up with real good, authentic, representative and people-based information of how and what true and genuine regional autonomy really means.

The people have become wise, I guess, and know if they are being taken for a ride or not and the third attempt may just become kaput. This P15 million budget might as well be de-programmed or re- aligned for livelihood support activities for the farming and struggling folks of the Cordillera.

Reprinted from Northern Philippine Times

PIX LINK

Read more...

Concretizing Autonomy

The results of the survey on Cordillera autonomy just says one thing: What is autonomy? It is strange that 40 percent of Cordillera respondents don’t know what autonomy is.

With 60% of respondents categorically answering Yes (27.9%) or No (34.6%) to the question of the readiness of the Cordillera to become autonomous, it implies they are informed or assertive on their categorical responses. Whatever arguments they have, they can neutralize or persuade others to their sides – those who do not know or are still undecided whether or not to go for autonomy.

Obviously, saying Yes is a move which could be termed as daring or risky. If not now, then when? is the question for the Yes mover. A sound and feasible rationale based on concrete potentials needs to be presented to the public -- what regional autonomy means other than a Yes vote. It is a question on how firm is this position with regards to financial and administrative capacity of the Cordillera to go into autonomy. It basically asks how politically relevant is the move to push for regional autonomy.

The No position obviously implies a cautious step in going for an uncertain administrative or political set-up for the Cordillera which could be categorical or conservative. Why go into a set up when there is already an administrative and political structure in place?

An unsure and shaky setup on how financially and administratively capable the envisioned administration will be is one major consideration in taking a No position, apparently. And as said earlier, what is the importance of going into this political exercise considering national laws and policies which may contradict what regional autonomy means in its genuine meaning?

Preparations for an autonomous regional state is based on what Executive Order 220 provides. With this, one question is how politically objective administrative systems will be in place with Cordillera autonomy.

Many lessons need to be learned from the the setting up and operations of the flawed Cordillera Executive Board before going into an autonomous set-up. From here, we could understand the position of those who took No as their answer.

While Yes presents itself as an aggressive stance, caution and careful study still needs to be done on how to approach a seemingly highly politicized administrative autonomy for the Cordillera.

For the Yes movers, it would be good to ask why the need for Cordillera autonomy. What pressing issues are there at the moment that autonomy could solve for the Cordillera? How receptive are people on political and economic issues which affect their lives?

It is from a politicized mind that a resounding Yes will be generated from the populace. From the results of the survey however, extensive and intensive political work still needs to be done on the ground level. A half-baked autonomy cannot be rammed down the throats of the people who still have doubts and questions un-answered on the matter. A mere 27.9 percent who answered Yes is an isolated scenario.

Going into apparently, a forced movement with no visible and felt reason for such a movement at this time would be a futile exercise. Groundwork for a political atmosphere to set the motion into a strong movement for autonomy needs to be done.

It is the job of those who are voting for Yes to galvanize a conducive political atmosphere and work fon pressing issues which need to be highlighted in order to create the atmosphere for a Yes vote. And this needs time and work.

Issues on economic unrest and development are classic examples in setting up a political movement, that is, the autonomy movement to get going. Add to this Baguio Rep. Mauricio Domogan’s bill on direct appropriation of taxes by local government units from corporations operating in respective LGU territories, including pressing issues against corruption and the autonomy move may go an inch further. Perhaps, the Yes votes will increase as No advocates will be persuaded to vote Yes.

In much the same way, those who voted for No should state their reasons for saying so and come up with sound and viable answers why No is the better option. Perhaps the present setup is fine and going for another administrative political set up would be a frustrating exercise. Is autonomy relevant and feasible at all for the Cordillera?
***
The approval of the House Bill filed by Baguio Rep. Mauricio Domogan on direct remittance of national taxes by companies operating in respective LGU territories comes as a welcome development from the House of Representatives.

The amendment if finally approved as law will add to income of local communities if the Senate approved it. It shall be recalled that the same Bill along with other introduced House bills had been pending in the Senate before elections were recently held last May. The bill was refiled with the resumption of Congress this year.

While this comes as a welcome development the second time around for the Bill to be approved in Congress, further lobbying needs to be done on members of the Senate for their approval. Just how receptive are senators and the President to the proposed law remains to be seen.

Reprinted from Northern Philippine Times

Read more...